


THE GHEAT USURPATION. 



THE UNITED STATES 



UNDER 



THE CONFEDERATE 

Senate and House of Representatives 

AN OLIGARCHY. 




What is an oligarchy ? Webster defines an oligarchy as "a form of 
government in which the supreme power is placed in the hands of a few 
persons ;" that is, the rule or reign of a minority. And what in the 
United States, at present, under the two Confederate Houses of Con- 
gress, is the character of the reign? Is it not that of anoligarclw — that of 
the unlawful domination of an unprincipled minority — a minority of the 
vote actually and pretendedly cast in the election of the members of the 
present House, as also a minority of the electoral colleges — a minority of t he 
population, of the wealth, taxes, and intelligence of the States and 
nation ; but which, through violence and blood, and a multitude of infa- 
mous and fraudulent agencies, have seized upon a majority of the National 
Legislature, have trampled under foot the Constitution and the laws, 
have usurped the powers of the majority, and despoil it and the nation 
of millions annually through the taxation of its industry and Avealth. 

The following table, compiled from oflieial data, demonstrates t.hfi 
truth of the above : 



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The atiove is not a showing of a " Solid North " as against a •* Solid 
South,"' but a showing upon the basis of the actual representation in the 
present national House of Representatives, including in the Democratic 
States Indiana and Oregon, as also Ohio, which through the infamous 
gerrymandering of the State by the Democracy has a Democratic major- 
ity in its representation in the House, while the Republicans had in 1878 
a plurality of 10,99S in the vote by which they were elected. But even 
with the suppression, either by violence or fraud, or both, of the entire 
Republican vote in all the States South, and granting the Democracy in 
the Confederate States the fraudulent figures which they claim, with the 
strength and wealth of Indiana, Ohio and Oregon, all of them upon a 
fair and constitutional vote decidedly Republican States, the majority in 
the two Confederate Houses of Congress, the Confederate Democracy in 
the Senate and House, are in the country in a hopeless minority. 

In illustration let us recapitulate the facts in the above table. 

In the electoral colleges the Republican States, as represented in the 
present House, have 191 votes against 178 of the Democratic States— a 
Republican majority of 13. ,_.',„_« 

On the popular vote, exclusive of California, as reported as cast in 18/8, 
for Congress, with all its violence and tremendous Democratic frauds, 
its suppression of the entire Republican vote in all the Confederate 
States, the 19 Republican States embrace a total of 3,834,684 votes against 
2.839,135 of the Democratic States— a Republican majority of 995,549, 
and, including the vote of California, a Republican majority of over a mil- 
lion votes. 

In population, according to the census of 18/0, the 19 Republican 
States embrace 19,841,070 persons against 18,314.433 of the Democratic 
States— a Republican majority of 1,526,635— a Republican majority of 
over a million and a half. 

Of the wealth of the nation, of a total valuation of $30,942,7/8,443, the 
Democratic States possess only $9,114,6S1,561 ; the 'Republican States 
possess $21,82S,096. 882— $12,713,415,321 more than the Democratic 
States; indeed, nearly three-fourths of the total wealth of tho nation. 

Of the taxation for the support of the Government, to meet the vast 
liabilities saddled upon the nation as the effect of the Democratic rebel- 
lion for the destruction of the Constitution and the Union, of a total 
of $130,146,847.18 paid in 1S78 as customs duties. $122,057,753.11 was col- 
lected in and paid by the Republican States— only $7,489,094.07 was col- 
lected in or paid by the Democratic States; that is $1 15,168,659.04 more were 
collected and paid in the Republican than in the Democratic States, or in 
the Republican States were paid over fifteen-sixteenths of the whole cus- 
toms revenue of the nation. Of a total of $104,518,632 from internal 
revenue in 1878, $57,638,192 was collected and paid in the 19 Republican 
States, and$46.8S0.439 in the Democratic States ; that is, $10,757,754 more 
were collected and paid in the Republican than in the Demoera! te- 
states. , , v 

In 1878 only whisky and tobacco, banks and bankers, and patent medi- 
cine adhesive "stamps were taxed. But the following table shows who. in 
the last 13 years, since the close of the rebettion, paid the vast sums col- 
lected as internal revenue : 



Years. 


Collected in 
all the 
States. 


Collected in 
the eleven 
Con feder- 
ated States. 


Collected In 
Ohio. 


Collected in 
Illinois. 


Collectec in 
New "Xork 


1866 

1867 

1868 

1969 

1870 

1871 

1S72 

1673 

1874 .... 
1875 

1876 .... 

1877 .... 
1878 


$309,226,813 42 
266,027,537 43 
191,087,SS9 41 
15S,356,460 £6 
184,899,756 49 
143,098,153 63 
130,642,177 72 
113,729,314 14 
102,409,784 90 
110,007,493 58 
116,700,732 03 
11S,63{),407 83 
110,581,624 74 


$20,645,919 16 
34,604,660 48 
31,332,186 So 

9,864,765 97 
14,605,147 20 
11,633,429 85 

9,927,231 96 
12,271,587 43 
10,517,422 55 
11,919,151 92 
11,120,556 11 
12,321,994 16 
11,142,042 45 


$25,257,710 12 
20,134,516 35 
12,364,867 99 
16,135,972 31 
19,437,515 04 
15,295,450 73 

14.928.135 07 
14,870,277 83 
15,044,834 77 
14,707,712 50 

16.591.136 59 
15,479,511 30 
14,762,979 94 


$15,249.67S 00 
11,956,633 03 
7,624,747 89 
13,055,230 23 
1S,1S6,366 35 
15,270,S42 03 
15,79S,722 40 
16,452,020 60 
15,357,938 15 
17,67S,267 57 
23,70S,545 60 
21.896,588 24 
19,651,732 21 


$6S,S10,S34 76 
57,973,220 9.3 
39,644,5S3 49 
35,497,463 68 
38,514,SS9 37 
28,665,1S3 96 
23,446,577 34 
19,312,323 60 
15,2S5,2S0 S7 
15,224,856 74 
14,609,335 07 
14,45S,326 50 
14,963,899 92 


Total in 
13y'rs.. 


2,055,397,846 18 


201,906,096 15 


215,010,620 54 


211,SS7,312 35 


384,406,776 25 



Thus, in 13 years, from 1866 to 1878, in support of the national honor, 
as a means of honestly and promptly liquidating the immense obligations 
inflicted upon the nation by the Democracy in rebellion, the Government 
was compelled to collect of the people, as internal revenue, the mighty 
sum of $2,055,397,846.18 ! Of that sum the 11 Confederated States, the 
guilty authors of our immense public debt, paid only $201,906,096.15! The 
single loyal State of Ohio alone paid $215,010,620.54, or $13,104,524.39 more 
than all the Coufederated States combined. Illinois alone paid $211,8S7,- 
312.35, or $9,981,216.20 more than all the Confederated States. New York 
alone paid $3S4,403,776.25, or $182,500,6S0.10 more than all the Confed- 
erated States — nearly twice as much as all of them combined. 

And with this comparative poverty, this immense inferiority in the 
popular vote as in population and wealth— this immense inferiority as 
taxpayers— the Democratic States monopolize almost wholly all the ignor- 
ance, with its consequent evils, of the nation. According to the census 
of 1870, as shown above, in table "A," the 19 Republican States contain 
only 722,115 persons of all ages who cannot read ; but, the Democratic 
States, the land of the kuklux, shot-gun, and bowie-knife, the bloody 
ground of political murders, outrage and fraud, contain 3,722, 3SS, or 
3,000, 273 morethan the Republican States— nearly live-sixths of all the 
ignorance of the nation. 

Nevertheless, this minority— the Confederate and Copperhead De- 
mocracy, ignorant, violent and bloody, and looking to the spoils of the 
national Treasury— the sack of the nation— through a conquest of the Na- 
tional Government— as a means of rescuing its oligarchal leaders, the 
old pro-slavery landowners of Secessia, from personal bankruptcy and 
sinking into obscurity as a parvenu class— this seditious and disloyal mi- 
nority have, through violence and fraud in a thousand forms, seized upon 
a majority of the two Houses of Congress. They againimpudently usurp 
the power of taxing the majority! 

And by what agencies have these old conspirators against the honor, 
the liberties and peace of the nation, succeeded in thus practically sub- 
jugating the nation— its numbers, wealth, and intelligence? Let us ana- 
lyze the composition of the two Houses of Congress, and review the 
agents by which they were elected. 

Ip the House, of its present 293 members, the Democracy count 155 — 



6 

55 from the North. The Republicans count 137 — only 6 from the South. 
Thus the South, the old Confederate enemies of the Republic, are solid 
against the nation — are solid in a new conspiracy to subvert the consti- 
tutional rule of the majority — to force the loyal masses, as of old, to pay 
them tribute— to remunerate the Confederacy and its leaders for then- 
losses in the rebellion which they fomented for the destruction of the 
nation and its liberties. They have suppressed, violently and fraudu- 
lently, the Republican vote in all the States South. Although in 1876 the 
Republicans polled, even by the Confederate count, 1,096,626 votes; 
although, on the color line alone, 27 Congressional districts South are Re- 
publican, and should in Congress be represented by Republicans, yet 
Republicans only are returned from that section to the present House. 
Undoubtedly other districts of the Confederacy, upon a constitutional, 
free, or fair vote, would return Republicans ; but merely strike from the 
Democratic vote in the House that of the 21 districts notoriously seized 
through violence and fraud by the Democracy (155 — 21=134) and add 
them to the Republican vote, (137+21=158,) and the present House 
would, as it should, be Republican by 24 majority. Usurpation through 
shot-gun outrages, bloody raids and ballot-box stuffing, give to it a Demo- 
cratic majority of 21. A like result follows in the Senate. Strike from 
the Democratic vote in that body those usurped through violence and 
fraud — those of Alabama, 2 ; Arkansas, 2 ; Georgia, 2 ; Louisiana, 1 ; 
Mississippi, 1 ; North Carolina, 2, and South Carolina, 2=12, and add 
them to the Republican vote, (33+12=45,) and the Senate would, as it 
should be, Republican by a majority of 15. Only usurpation through, 
bloody violence,' terrorism, and fraud makes it Democratic by a majority 
of 9. 

Nor is this review open to doubt. The facts are too clear, too positive, 
to admit of a successful challenge. In 1868 General Grant received in 
the South 57 electoral votes — those of Alabama, 8 ; Arkansas, 5 ; Florida, 
3 ; Missouri, 11 ; North Carolina, 9 ; South Carolina, 6 ; Tennessee, 10 ; 
West Virginia, 5. In 1872 General Grant received in the South 55 electoral 
votes — those of Alabama, 10 ; Florida, 4 ; Mississippi, 8; N. Carolina, 10 ; 
S. Carolina, 7; Virginia, 11; and "West Virginia, 5. But in 1876 General 
Hayes received in the South only 19 electoral votes — those of Florida, 4 ; 
Louisiana, 8 ; and South Carolina, 7. What, in 1876, had become of the 
Republican majorities in Alabama, Arkansas, Missouri, North Carolina, 
Tennessee, Virginia, and West Virginia, by which General Grant in 1868 
received 57 electoral votes, and in 1872 47 votes? Violently suppressed 
in blood and terrorism and fraud! 

In Arkansas, in 1868, General Grant received 22,112 votes and the 
'electoral college of the State. On the Congressional vote of 1868. the 
Republicans polled 22,030 votes and elected 2 of the 3 members of Con- 
gress, and in the Legislature, on joint ballot, a majority of 9S. In 1S72, 
General Grant received 41,373 votes and the electoral college of the 
State ; the Republicans elected 2 members of Congress, and 40 major- 
ity of the Legislature on joint ballot. Even in 1S76 General Hayes was al- 
lowed 38,669 by the Confederate count. But the Democratic vote was 
fraudulently placed at 58,071. A solid Democratic delegation to Congress 
was declared, and the Legislature, on joint ballot, from 98 Republican ma- 
jority was transformed into 86 Democratic majority. In the first Con- 
gressional district of the State, in 1S6S, the vote was, for the Republican 
candidate, 7,151 ; for the the Democrat, 6,9S7=14,13S. In 1S76, in that 
district, no opposition was allowed, and the Democratic candidate for 
Congress quietly counted 15,841 votes, the total vote of the district ; but 
in 1S7S a count of only 8,863 was all that was needed to send a Democrat 
to Congress, while the Republican vote disappeared from the State. What, 



iii 1878, had become of Grant's majority of 18G8 and 1872? What, in- 
deed, of Hayes's vote in 187G of 38,669, an absolute majority of the actual 
vote of the State ? Suppressed in blood and terrorism and fraud! 

In Georgia, in 1866, the registered vote of the State was— white, 95,803; 
colored, 93,458; and in 1876 the Republicans polled, even upon the Con- 
federate count, for General Hayes, 50,446 votes. At the Congressional 
election of 1878, the Republican vote almost wholly disappeared ; only 
5,257 votes were cast, or rather, counted— 3,643 for Wade in the second and 
1,614 for Archer in the ninth district; 69,808 votes elected the 9 mem- 
bers of the present House, a solid anti-Republican delegation to Con- 
gress In 1876, in the third Congressional district of the State, the Re- 
publicans polled 4,2S0 votes for Pierce, for Congress ; but in 1878, only 
two years later, Cook, Democrat, was elected to the House by a total 
voteV only 2,628. What had become of the 4,2S0 Republican votes 
polled in 1870 for Pierce? In 1878, in the eighth district, Alexander H. 
Stephens was elected to the House by a total vote of only 3,355 against 
58 scattering. In 1876, in the sixth district, the Republicans polled 4,578 
votes for Gove, for Congress; but in 1878 Blount, Democrat, was elected to 
the Hcuse by a total vote of only 3,192. What had become of the 4,578 
Republican votes polled for Gove in 1876, only two years before ? What, 
iudeec 1 , had became of the 50,440 polled only two years before, in 1876, 
for Hiyes ? Suppressed by the kukltix in blood and terrorism and 
fravd! 

Ir Louisiana, in 1S67, the registered vote was— colored, 84,431 ; white, 
45,139— a Republican majority on the color line alone of 39,232, In 1872 
Grant received 71,663 votes, and the Republicans elected a solid delega- 
taoi to Congress. In 1876 the registration showed a Republican majority 
of 22,314. Even by the Confederate count in 1876 General Hayes re- 
eived 77,174 votes, but only two years later, in 1878, that heavy Repub- 
"ican vote disappeared, and a unanimous Confederate delegation was re- 
turned to Congress. What had become of the registered Republican ma- 
jority in the State from 1SG7 to 1876? What, indeed of Hayes's heavy 
vote of 1876? Suppressed by the "Knights of the White Camelia'' 1 in 
blood and terrorism and fraud! 

In North Carolina, inlS6S, General Grant received 96,769 votes, (12,168 
lajority,) and the electoral college of the State." The Republicans elected 
^of the 7 members of Congress, and of the Legislature, on joint ballot, a 
nijority of 70. In 1872 Grant received 94,709 votes (24,720 majority,) 
ail the electoral college of the State. In 1S76 General Hayes, even by 
th Confederate count, received 108,417 votes, but only two years later, 
in S78, that large vote, a majority of the actual vote east in 1876, almost 
whUy disappeared. In the first Congressional district 12,565 Republican 
votn were counted, and a Republican returned to Congress. In 1876, in 
the xth Congressional district, the Republicans polled 10,283 votes for 
Jordn for Congress, but in 1878 a count of only 4,90S votes returned i. 
Dem-;rat (Steele) to Congress. Only 258 were counted against Kim. 
What\ad become of the 10,283 Republican votes polled in the same dis- 
trict c-iy two years before? In the eighth Congressional district, U 
lS76,_k Republicans polled for Hampton for Congress 7,493 votes, hT- 
in 1S78., count of only 2,894 votes returned Vance, Democrat, to the 
presentT 0Use- What'had become of the 7,493 Republican votes polled 
in the s^ c district only two years before ? What had become of Grant's 
heavy m rities of 1868 and 1876? What, indeed, of Hayes's large vote 
in 1876? Suppressed in terrorism, blood and fraud ! 

In Alat-jm, j n 1S67, the registered vote was— colored, 90,340; whites, 
74,450— a ^publican majority on the color line alone of 15,890. In 1868 
General G n t received 76,366 votes and the eleotoral college of the 



I* 



State. In 1872 Grant received 90,272 votes and the electoral college of 
the State. The Republicans elected 5 of 7 Congressmen and a heavy ma- 
jority in the Legislature. Even in 1876, under the manipulation and 
frauds of the Confederates, 68,230 votes were counted for General Hayes; 
but only two years later, in 1S78. at the election for governor, not a sin- 
gle Republican vote was counted. In the fourth Congressional district, 
6,545 Republican votes were counted for Haralson for Congress against 
8,514 for Shelley, a Democrat. In 1870, the population of that district, 
embracing the counties of Dallas, Hale, Lowndes, and Perry was— col- 
ored, 109,218 ; whites, 32,349— a colored majority in population of 7C,869. 
In 1876 the Republicans were allowed a count of 15,750 votes; but in 3878 
a count of only 8,514 returned a Democrat to Congress in a district Re- 
publican by a majority at least of 10,000. On the State ticket no opposi- 
tion was tolerated, and the Republican vote, a majority of the S;ate, 
wholly disappeared. What had become of Grant's majorities of ISOSand 
1872? What, indeed, of Hayes's vote in 1876 of 6S,230? Supjjressei by 
the shot-gun in blood and terrorism and fraud ! 

In South Carolina, in 1867, the registered vote was — colored, 80.286; 
whites, 47,010 — a Republican majority on the color line alone of 47010. 
In 1870, the population of the State was — colored, 415,814 ; whites, }89,- 
073 — a colored majority of 126,741. In 1868, at the Presidential eleclion, 
General Grant received in South Carolina 62,301 votes and the electoral 
college of the State. In 1872, Grant received 72,290 votes (49,587 major- 
ity) and the electoral college of the State. A solid Republican delegation 
was elected to Congress, and of the Legislature on joint ballot a majoriiy 
of 95. In 1876, General Hayes received 91,870 votes ; Tilden, supported 
by the rifle clubs, only 90,906. But in 187S, how many Republican 
votes were cast, or rather counted? On the governor's vote not one. 
Only 213 were counted a3 scattering. Not a single Republican member 
was returned to Congress. The Democratic vote was increased to 119,- 
550, by which was elected the 5 members of the House, a solid delegation 
to Congress, and of the Legislature on joint ballot a majority of 142. 
What in 1878 had become of Grant's heavy majorities of 1868 and 1872? 
What, indeed, of Hayes's vote of 91,786 polled in 1S76 — only two years 
before? Suppressed by the rifle clubs in blood and terrorism and 
fraud ! 

In Mississippi, in 1867, the registered vote was — colored, 60,167 ; whites, 
46,636. The population in 1870 was— colored, 444,201 ; whites, 3S2,896— 
a Republican majority on the color line alone of 61.305. In i860, Alcorn' 
(Republican) majority was for governor 38,089. In 1872, General Grant 1 
majority was 34,8S7. In 1873, Ames' (Republican) majority for govern*' 
was 20,467 ; and in 1874, the majority on joint ballot in the Legislative 
was 30. In 1876, even by the Confederate count, General Hayes P- 
ceived 52,605 votes. But in 1878, the Republican vote, an immense pi- 
jority of the State, almost wholly disappeared. Only 2,085 Republ&u 
votes were returned as cast, a solid Confederate delegaiion wa? r °- 
turned to Congress, and an almost unanimous Democratic Legisl' urc 
was counted in. What, in 1878, had become of the Republican inanity 
of the State ? What, indeed, of Hayes's vote in 1876 ? Suppress by 
the shot-gun in blood and terrorism and fraud ! 

And in the organization of the two Houses of Congress, the po\v thus 
usurped through violence and blood has been recognized and er lr o ec ^- 
In the Senate the Democracy count 42 votes — 30 from the South A on 'y 
12 from the North. In the House they count 155 votes— 100 om the 
South and only 55 from the North. 

In the Senate, of its 28 standing committees, the Confederate'" 11 ^. 6 the 
chairmanship of 17 of the most important — those on Privileges' 1 ^ Elec- 



9 

fciens, on Finance, Appropriations, Commerce, Agriculture, Post Offices 
and Post Roads, Indian Affairs, Pensions, Claims, District of Columbia, 
Territories, Education and Labor, Railroads, Civil Service and Retrench- 
ment, etc. And they have not only the chairmanships of these important 
committees, but all the committees of the Senate are so constituted as to 
give the control of them to the Confederates. In every case the majority of 
the committee is Democratic ; but a majority of that majority is also Con- 
federate, ""hich gives the latter a control of the committee by controlling 
the majors • Tims — 

TheCou.^ itec on Privileges and Elections, just now a most important 
committee, --it practically'decides all cases of contested seats in the 
Senate— all t;i estionable rights to seats— is composed of 9 members — 6 
Democrats ano' 3 Republicans ; but 5 of the G Democrats are Confeder- 
ates ; 1 is from die North or loyal States. 

The Committee on Finance is composed of 9 members— 5 Democrats 
and 4 Republicans ; but 3 of the 5 Democrats are Confederates. 

The Committee on Appropriations is composed of 9 members— 5 Demo- 
crats and 4 Republicans ; but 3 of the 5 Democrats are Confederates. 

The Committee on Commerce is composed of 9 members— 5 Democrats 
and 4 Republicans ; but 4 of the 5 Democrats are Confederates. 

The Committee on Post Offices and Post Roads is composed of 9 mem- 
bers— G Democrats and 3 Republicans ; but 5 of the G Democrats are Con- 
federates. 

The Committee on Claims, just now, in view of the immense amount 
of pending rebel claims— hundreds of millions— a committee of the 
grandest importance to the South as it is to the nation, is composed of 9 
members— 5 Democrats— all Confederates— and 4 Republicans. 

The Committee on the Election of President and Vice President, truly 
a most important committee to our whole people, is composed* of 9 mem- 
bers— G Democrats and 3 Republicans ; but 4 of the G Democrats are Con- 
federates. 

And so on through all the Senate committees. A majority of the ma- 
jority of the committee are Confederates, and consequently control it 
under the caucus rule on all important questions. 

The petty State of Delaware is given the chairmanship of the two im- 
portant committees on Privileges and Elections and Finance • the great 
State of New York the Committee on Patents. West Virginia is given 
the Committee on Appropriations ; the great State of Pennsylvania that 
on the Revision of the Laws. Georgia is given the Committee on Com- 
merce, Texas the Committee on Post Offices and Post Roads, Virginia 
the Committee on Pensions, North Carolina the Committee on Railroads, 
Tennessee the Committee on Education and Labor, South Carolina that on 
Civil Service and Reform; while the great maritime and industrial States 
of the North, East and West, the great taxpayers of the nation, the pro- 
prietors of its wealth, thrift and intelligence, are practically excluded 
from any voice in shaping legislation for the control of the interests in 
which their citizens are so largely concerned. 

In the House the same rule governs in the distribution and composition 
of its committees. Of its standing committees, 4'2 in number, 22, and 
the most important ones, have Confederate chairmen— those on Appropri- 
ations, on Banking and Cnrrency, Commerce, the Judiciary, Pacific Rail- 
roads, Railways and Canals, Coinage, Weights and Measures, Post Offices 
and Post Roads, Claims, Education and Labor, Accounts, etc. As in the 
Senate, so in the House— all the committees are so constituted as to give 
the control of them to the Confederates. Thus : 

The Committee on Elections, which practically decides all cases of 
cou tested seats, is composed of 15 members— 9 Democrats and G Republi- 






10 

cans ; but G of the 9 Democrats, a majority of the majority, are Confed- 
erates—only 3 are from the North or loyal States. 

The Committee on Ways and Means, the committee which controls or 
fixes the taxes of the nation, is composed of 13 members— S Democrats 
and 5 Republicans; but 5 of the Democrats are Confederates. 

The Committee on Appropriations is composed of 15 members — 9 Demo- 
crats and G Republicans; but G of the 9 Democrats are Confederates. 

The Committee on Banking and Currency is composed of 11 members, 
7 Democrats and 4 Republicans ; but 4 of the Democrats are Confederates. 

The Committee on Pacific Railroads is composed of 13 members — 8 
Democrats and 5 Republicans; but G of the 8 Democrats are Con- 
federates. 

The Committee on War Claims, the committee which must decide on 
all rebel claims, is composed of 11 members— G Democrats and 5 Republi- 
cans ; but 4 of the G Democrats are Confederates. 

The Committee on Commerce is composed of 15 members — 10 Demo- 
crats and 5 Republicans ; but 7 of the 10 Democrats are Confederates. 

The Committee on Post Offices and Post Roads is composed of 11 
members— 7 Democrats and 4 Republicans ; but 5 of the 7 Democrats are 
Confederates. 

And so the Committee on Public Expenditures, and the respective 
committees on the expenditures of the executive departments, the Com- 
mittee on Foreign Affairs, on the Judiciary, on Accounts, Printing, In- 
valid Pensions, etc. — all so constituted as to give the control of them to 
the Confederates. 

In both Houses the Committee on Education and Labor is given to the 
Confederates. In the Senate 3 of the 4 Democrats, constituting the ma- 
jority of the committee, are Confederates; and in the House the majority 
of the committee are all Confederates— (5 Confederates and 4 Republi- 
cans)— are all m3n, the cardinal maxims of whose caste in the old oli- 
garchy, prior to 18G1, and who act upon those maxims to-day in their 
States in their treatment of the laborer, were, that '"certain menial employ- 
ments," all manual labor, " are incompatible with mental cultivation," 
with education^ and accordingly punished then, as now, as crimes, all at- 
tempts to introduce within their limits popular education ; that " raiment, 
food and shelter," the physical wants of the animal, were the highest 
needs of the laborer; that the negro, brutalized by slavery, was in 
bondage superior "mentally, morally, and socially," to the white work- 
ingmen in freedom. Hence, that "slavery loas the natural and normal 
condition of the laborer ;" that "slavery was right and necessary, whether 
white or' black," and lustily shouted as their favorite slogan; " Liberty 
for the few— slavery in every form for the masses!' 1 '' Such were up to the 
latest hour of their' old dominion, and are now, the principles and the 
aims — the revival and extension of slavery, and the perpetuity of ignor- 
ance among the masses — of the oligarchal caste to which in both House* 
of Congress have been given, and designedly, the committees on Educa- 
tion and Labor. 

And as a part of the Great Ususurpation the committees on the Ascer- 
tainment and Declaration of the Election of President and Vice President 
are in both Houses in the hands of the Confederates. In the Senate the 
committee is composed of 4 Confederates, 1 Northern Democrat, and 3 
Republicans. In the House the committee is composed of 7 Democrats 
and 4 Republicans, but 4 of the 7 Democrats are Confederates ; and so 
constructed deliberately with implied instructions to devise and report 
some plan or scheme, however unlawful or revolutionary, by which to en- 
able the oligarchal minority to count out the loyal or national candidates 
for President and Vice President, if elected by the people, no matter how 



11 

large their majority on the popular vote, or how decided in the electoral 
colleges — to fraudulently seize upon the next Presidency — to restore by 
force and fraud the Confederates in all branches of the National Govern- 
ment. 

Sedition, treasonable plottings, turbulence, and scenes of blood and 
deviltry like the Chisholm massacre and the Dixon assassinations, and the 
cotmtless assassinations d ruing the last twelve years all over the late Con- 
federacy, are indigenous to their daily life. Like the brutal oligarchs or pro- 
slavery nobles of the Middle or Dark Ages, whose institutions or laws our 
old slaveowners largely adopted, imbibing with them the sanguinary and 
cruel instincts of the ages from which they were adopted, and whoso tyr- 
anny and lives they still imitate; like those noble oligarchs, as ignorant as 
sanguinary, ever in revolt against tlieir king, or engaged in furious raids 
against their neighbors, murdering, burning, and plundering; like them, 
to our old pro-slavery oligarchs, our recent slave owners and their de- 
scendants, the exercise of power through violent scences of deviltry forms 
the highest gratiiication of their natures. Peace, obedience to law, is 
absolutely their hell. Hence into Congress, upon obtaining posses- 
sion of its two houses, they naturally transferred the turbulent spirit 
which rules in their States, and attempted to coerce the President by 
revolutionary expedients — by riders on appropriation bills — into an ap- 
proval of or acquiescence in their violent plans under a threat of starving 
the Government, in all their proceedings in Congress for the last two 
sessions, the Democracy — a majority of the two Houses — substituted the 
caucus for the law — the caucus for the Constitution. The Confederates 
or Southern wing of the Democracy, by their numerical preponderance, 
ruled in the caucus and dictated and shaped all its measures— all of them 
of a violent or revolutionary character, all of tliem looking to a consum- 
mation of their usurpations — the seizure of the Presidency by violence 
and fraud through the destruction or repeal of the election laws. 

lis in the Confederacy and before the world they load with unmerited 
calumny the wretched victims of their murderous violence as a justifica- 
tion of their crimes, so in Congress, as a justification of their revolution- 
ary expedients looking to the crowning infamy of their usurpations — 
the seizure of the Presidency in 1880 — they slaiidered the Republican 
party: they traduced the party which, while rescuing the nation from 
their traitorous efforts to destroy it by force of arms, magnanimously 
spared them the halter denounced by the laws against their crimes ; they 
accused and denounced it as having used, and as being in favor of con- 
tinuing the use, of troops at the polls. No fouler slander was ever in- 
vented or uttered by traitor in extenuation of his guilt. When and 
where were troops ever used by the Republicans at the polls ? At what 
election ? When and where by any party but the Democracy, as at 
Washington, in June, 1S58, on "Bloody Monday," when, under the orders 
of a Democratic President, James Buchanan, at a petty municipal election, 
the streets of the national capital were reddened with the blood of its 
unoffending citizens under the fire of the regular soldiery? No troops were 
ever so used by the Republican party. Not a single instance has ever 
been cited — not a single instance can be cited. Not one by any party but 
the Democracy. 

But the men so recently confederated in arms for the destruction of 
the Constitution and the laws, and whose presence to day in the national 
Senate and House is due wholly to the suppression of the Republican 
vote in all the States South by bloody violence, by murder, massacre and 
intimidation at the polls by the ku-klux, white league, and other armed 
brigand gangs — these men in Congress raised the cry of "An Vhtram- 
meled Ballot," '' Free Elections," " No Troops at the Polls," as a blind 



12 

to their own guilt, as well as a justification of their threat to starve the 
Government in revenge for its protection of the election laws of the 
United States against their revolutionary efforts to repeal them— to de- 
stroy the only guarantees of the citizen at the polls of a free and un- 
trammeled vote. The dishonesty of the cry, its hypocrisy and trans- 
parent purpose, is exposed in tne fact that the Government, even if dis- 
posed to resort to intimidation at the polls, to violate every rule of its 
policy and practice, and of the great and law-abiding party which 
supports it, has no troops at its command for the purpose. At the present 
time there are — 
In Alabama 32 United States soldiers in arsenal. 
In Arkansas 57 soldiers. 
In Delaware not one. 

In Florida 182 United States soldiers at 3 ' separate barracks, navy 
yards, &c. 
In Georgia 29 United States soldiers. 
In Kentucky not one. 
In Louisiana 239 United States soldiers. 
In Maryland 192 United States soldiers at Fort McHenry. 
In Mississippi not one. 
In Missouri not one. 

In North Carolina 30 United States soldiers at fort at mouth of Cape 
Fear river. 

In South Carolina 123 United States soldiers guarding Charleston har- 
bor. 
In Tennessee not one. 
In Texas not one outside of frontier guard. 

In Virginia 282 United States soldiers at school of practice at Fortress 
Monroe. 
In West Virginia not one. 

In all the South only 1,166 soldiers with which to intimidate a popula- 
tion estimated at 15,000,000 persons. In the South there are 1,203 coun- 
ties. Hence there are in the South less than one soldier to a county- 
only one soldier to every 700 square miles. Truly a formidable force, and 
one certainly calculated to intimidate the rifle clubs and other armed 
o-ano-s which infest all the late Confederated States. But in New England, 
from which we have no complaints of the election laws, there are 123 
United States soldiers to every 1,000,000 of its citizens ; in the South only 
70. Hence it is not a fear of the troops which influences the Democracy 
in'their cry against the election laws, but a wish to remove the United 
States supervisors of election, provided by those laws, from the polls on 
election day, and thus open out to them in the large cities of the 
North a clear field for the frauds— wholesale illegal voting and ballot 
box stuffing— by which they propose to seize the next Presidency. 

In 1861, 'in all the South, of its 8,037,075 white people, only 3S3,037 
were slave owners. But few as they were, they constituted the Southern 
oligarchy of the past— its dominant or ruling faction. They framed or 
dictated" all its laws upon every subject, social, civil and political ; mo- 
nopolized all the civil offices of the State, filled its judiciary and all the 
commands of the militia; interdicted all popular education, burning 
school-houses, and whipping, expelling or murdering the teachers ; edu- 
cated its ignorant white masses in their own violent sentiments— a hatred 
of all freedom or progress, and of labor and the laborer— a hatred of the 
negro or slave as a God-degraded caste, incapable of all improvement. 
Thus they organized the oligarchy under which they maintained their 
crushing rule, and punished all hostility to their tyranny in outrage and 
torture and blood. Literally the people of the South prior to 1SU1— the 



13 

white majorities of its respective States — were the merest cyphers in all 
thing's political or social. They had no voice or influence in the body 
politic. They were held and ruled practically as subjects or serfs of the 
oligarchal slave owners. 

So to-day, in all the States South, certainly in all the recently Confed- 
erated States, we have but a revival, a restoration, of the disgusting and 
degrading old oligarchal rule in all its turbulent wickedness. Again, the oli- 
garchal -minority tramples into the dust the Constitution and the laws. 
Again it crushes out all freedom of opinion, all freedom of action, all hos- 
tility or opposition to its tyranny in outrage and torture and blood — in 
massacres like the Chisholm — in assassinations like the Dixon. 

The old slave owners, or their descendants, educated in the sedition, 
tyranny, and bloody violence of the old oligarchal system, intensified by 
the experiences and hatred generated by the rebellion, and comprising 
but a petty faction of even the white population of their respective States, 
again monopolise, as a right inherent in their oligarchal caste, all the 
offices of the State. Again they fill the local judiciary, all the commands 
of the local militia, all the places of their Legislatures. Again they arro- 
gantly frame all their laws, socially and politically, in the spirit of tyr- 
anny and in support of their caste. Again they violently suppress all 
attempts at popular education, burning school-houses, whipping, expeM- 
ing, and murdering teachers. Aye, in uncontrollable hatred of the nation, 
an inextinguishable hatred of the Constitution, with its guarantees of 
freedom and political equality, they elect to Congress as their represent- 
atives and the representatives of their States the men most infamous for 
their cruelties and crimes in rebellion — men like Chalmers, of Mississippi, 
the bloody butcher of Fort Pillow ; and even propose to admit into the 
United States Sen-ate, without a removal of the disabilities for his mani- 
fold crimes of treason, the sanguinary Corypheus of the rebellion, the em- 
bodiment of State rights and secession, the old Moloch of Andetson and 
the Libby — Jeff Davis. 

And if they succeed either by force or fraud, or both, and they have no 
other hope of success in the grand aim of all their usurpations, in seizing 
upon the Presidency in 1880, and in retaining a majority in both Houses 
of Congress, woe to the nation and people. '"With fury will they rule," 
and ruin will follow in their train. 

Let there be no mistake as to their ends and purposes — as to the char- 
acter of their reign. All their past, the whole history of their oligarchal 
caste in our own, as in all other nations, from time immemorial, proclaim 
what its character will be — a cruel reign of iron and blood. Neither fear 
nor merci* nor pity will deter or induce them to modify one iota their 
programme of ruin. Indeed, they will rejoice in the ruin they cause. 
An inextinguishable hatred, a craving for revenge upon those who re- 
sisted and defeated their attempts to destroy the nation by rebellion, will, 
as in their own States, blindly rush them forward in their destructive 
measures — an inextinguishable hatred of the Union, of the Constitution 
and amendments, with their guarantees of freedom and political equality — 
a hatred of our loyal people, of the prosperity, wealth, and intelligence 
of the loyal States, because the success of those States, as exemplars of 
freedom and popular rights, condemn and denounce then* own barbarous 
oligarchal system. Hence their reign in control of all branches of 
the National Government will be a reign of hatred and revenge — a reign 
in contravention of and hostility to the Constitution and the laws — a reign 
as inexorable, as arbitrary, cruel, and bloody, as that of the old sanguin- 
ary "Venetian Council of Ten. 

Although comprising but a mere fraction of even the white popu- 
lation of their States— about the proportion which existed in 1861 — of 



14 

States themselves embracing a mere fraction of the wealth, intelligence 
and population of the nation, yet, even under a Constitution which de- 
clares that only a majority shall rule — only a majority legally cast, with- 
out intimidation or force or fraud — the Confederates will, by the success 
of their usurpations, govern, aye, reign over, the majority of the nation. 
Once in authority of the executive and legislative branches of the Gov- 
ernment, and ruling the judiciary, supported by the army and navy, their 
will, regulated by hate and a spirit of revenge, will be embodied in and 
form the basis of every act of Government. They will transfer to the 
National Government, in lieu of the Constitution and the laws, the bar- 
barous system which prevails in the Confederacy. 

As they have in the organization of the two Houses of Congress ; as 
they have in the governments of all th •> States under their control — in 
every city, town, and meanest hamlet of those States, so, in the National 
Government, they propose to expel from power and place, not merely 
every Republican, but every Union man, woman and child — every patriot 
soldier — every patriot soldier's widow and child. They will trust none, 
they will appoint none, but rebel sympathizers — none but Confederates in 
spi: it or fact. 

"Woe worth the day!" They will reorganize the United State; 
Supreme Court, all the courts of the United States, in the interest of 
State rights and secession ; and by decisions from courts thus recon- 
structed denouncing as unlawful the coercion of the Confederated Suites 
in rebellion — denouncing as unconstitutional and void Mr. Lincoln's 
Proclamation of Emancipation and the late amendments to the Consti- 
tution ratifying that proclamation and guaranteeing to the emancipated 
people political and civil rights — the rights of citizenship— by such decis- 
ions they will deprive the colored men of those rights, compel the payment 
by the Government to the old slaveholders, or their heirs, of losses caused 
by the liberation of their slaves, hundreds of millions in amount, and 
force in some form the liquidation of all losses from all causes of the 
Confederates in rebellion. Who will dare estimate the amount 7 * 

As in their own States they have scaled or practically repudiated the 
debts of those States, so in possession of all branches of the National 
Government, in possession of its taxes and the national Treasury, the 
Confederates will, under the decisions of the reconstructed United States 
courts, repudiate the public debt as unlawfully contracted in coercing the 
Confederacy in rebellion, and force the payment of the rebel debt as one 
inflicted upon the Confederacy hy the unlawful agencies of the National 
Government, thus robbing our loyal people absolutely of thousands of 
millions, and spreading ruin broadcast over the nation. 

In the name of free trade they will abandon the tariff laws which now 
protect our home industries, and strike a heavy blow at our manufac- 
tures, greatly injuring if not wholly ruining them; destroy the home 
market of our farmers, cripple the business and trade and all the indus- 
tries of our people, and cheapen the wages of our workingmen and 

* What the total of claims for these losses would be no man can estimate, bnt the 
known amount so far is appalling, as is shown in the following table. 

Refunding direct tax of 1861 : $2,492,110 

Refunding cotton tax, principal and interest 170,lS0,22o 

Special relief bills (Forty-fourth Congress) 2,181 ,479 

Use and destruction of property and supplies destroyed or used by Union 
forces in the Confederate States, (under bills of Riddle, of Tenn., and 

Wilshire, of Ark.,) estimated at 2,410,326,000 

Compensation for slaves 400,000,0ft') 

Paymen I. of rebel mail-contractors up to July 1, 1S61 375,000 

$2,9So,5.>4,S27 
A sum greater than the total of the public debt at the close of the war. 



15 

laborors — aye, reduce them to want, to beggary — in the interest of the 
few with fixed incomes from real estate and bonds, and the like, unaffected 
by foreign competition. 

And they will support all by a reorganization of the army and navy. Loyal 
officers will be expelled from their commands — the Shermans, Sheridans 
and Popes — men who, for years in the field, periled their lives and shed 
their blood in defense of the nation and its liberties, and will be replaced 
by men, many of whom were educated at West Point by the public 
bounty, but who, in 1861. in violation of their oaths, left their commands 
to join the rebellion — to join the traitors in arms for the destruction of the 
Constitution and the Union. 

Will our loyal masses submit? Avast majority of the Republic — a 
majority of its wealth and intelligence and its principal tax-payers — sub- 
mit to the usurped authority of an oligarchal few — the ruinous reign of 
the vengeful foes of the nation and its liberties? Has not our people in 
the past, and certainly during and since the rebellion — has not the nation 
suffered enough through the usurpations and crimes of this turbulent 
caste ? 

For over 50 years prior to 1SG1 these old conspirators against freedom and 
progress insolently dominated in the Government and nation. They taxed 
the majority. They exacted tribute of the commerce and industries of the 
nation in support of their '"peculiar institution" — that "execrable sum 
of all villainies " — domestic slavery. They appropriated, as a matter of 
right inherent in their caste, the lion's share of the honors, offices and 
their emoluments of the State at home and abroad. They prostituted 
the lives and blood of our people, hundreds of millions of the national 
treasure, in foreign wars — in infamous schemes for the acquisition of for- 
eign territory for the extension and perpetuity of human slavery, and 
resisted all plans of internal improvement by the national Government — 
all plans for the advancement or in aid of the commerce and industries 
of our people. 

After such a domination, through so long a period, ever preying like 
the vulture, upon the great heart of our people, these Confederate oli- 
garchs, in 1861, threw up the banner of revolt : they impiously raised 
their mailed hands against the life of the nation ! As a caste the scepter 
was about to be wrenched from their grasp. Civilization and freedom, 
and their attendants, popular education and popular rights, with irre- 
sistible power, were on all sides pressing their oligarchy, and new lights 
and aspirations were awakening even among their own white masses. The 
old brutal, obscene and tyrannical institution, domestic slavery, was 
threatened with overthrow : their own supremacy and power as the dom- 
inant caste was menaced. 

To rescue all from the impending ruin thus threatened by the advance 
of civilization, to strengthen and perpetuate domestic slavery, and with 
it their own supremacy and power, they revolted against the nation. 
Nor did they leave the world in doubt as to their designs — the establish- 
ment upon the ruins of the National Union of a new Confederacy, a bar- 
barism pure and simple, with domestic slavery as its corner-stone — a 
grinding tyranny of oligarchal slave-masters in which would be revived 
all the horrors of the Dark Ages. For years prior to their revolt, in their 
press, in Congress, and in their Legislatures — even in their pulpits — they 
infamously advocated the enslavement of the white masses of the North, 
as well as those of the South. They declared "free society a failure." 
One enlightened oligarch, the erudite and astute Keith, of South Carolina, 
in Congress, declared : "The existence of mechanics and laborers [free 
white workingmen] in society is due to the partial and progressive eman- 
cipation of slavery." Slavery, he urged, was their "natural and normal 



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condition;" and declared that ''when they [the white workingman and 
laborer] stepped out of bondage, they branched off into four constantly re- 
curring subdivisions — the thief the beggar, the hireling, and the pros- 
titute.''' Hence, "free society was a failure''' — "an abortion'" — " was 
radically rotten and vyrong /" And hence their slogan : "Slavery is the 
natural and normal condition of the laborer!'''' "Slavery is right and 
necessary whether white or black.V "Liberty for the few — slavery in 
every form far the masses!"' 

Thus, upon the ruins of the nation, upon the ruins of liberty and free 
institutions, they proposed to erect a barbarism in which free society and 
free labor would be expelled — in which master and slave, the oligarchial 
few organized into a reigning caste and the masses white and black in 
slavery, would be the only classes. In that terrible revolt for a purpose 
so infamous, they, in round numbers, inflicted upon the nation a loss of 
500,030 lives, slain in support of the Constitution and the Union, multi- 
plying widows and orphans and woe and suffering throughout the land — 
a loss in treasure of $>,000,000,000, and created a public debt which will 
embarrass and burden our children's children for generations to come. 
With this really appalling record in the present and past, with their prodi- 
gious crimes and consequent injuries to the nation and the people still 
fresh in the memories of all, this unprincipled and turbulent caste, having 
again, by the old agencies of the oligarch}' — usurpation through terror- 
ism, blood, and fraud — seized upon the majority of the two Houses of 
Congress, are now again combined with the Northern Copperhead Dem- 
ocracy in a new conspiracy for the conquest of the Republic through a 
seizure of the Presidency — a conspiracy to accomplish by fraud what they 
failed to effect by force of arms — the ruin of the nation ! Will the ma- 
jority submit? God save the Republic ! 



RUFUS H. DARBY, Steam Power Printer, No. 432 Ninth street, Washington, J). C. 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



HI Mil Hill urn inn "■'■ 

013 789 640 * 



peamalipe® 

pH8.5 



